By Wang Yun

Opening the letter written by Wang Shoukang to Yuen Ren Chao on June 14, 1954, he wrote: “During this long period, the changes at home and abroad have been truly great! Needless to say, the comrades of the National Language Committee have all scattered. Di Chen and Zi Jing have had no news for five years, and Mr. Shao Xi does not dare to engage in any activities. Mr. Wang Yi’an, approaching eighty, is working hard in Taiwan to train shorthand talents. After Jian Gong returned to the ancient capital, it is said that he is striving to show loyalty to the ‘bandit puppet’.” He also mentioned that he himself had not left the National Language Committee in Taiwan for five years, not only teaching at the Normal College but also serving as a standing director of the “Mandarin Daily”. Liang Rongruo served as editor-in-chief of “Gu Jin Wen Xuan”, and Wang Yuchuan and Qi Tiehen were also pillars of the National Language Committee. As he said, with the changes in China’s political situation, the leaders of the National Language Movement not only scattered but also fell inexplicably.

Li Jinxi was the core figure of the National Language Movement. During the Anti-Japanese War, even with poor transportation and no funds, he still opened a National Language Special Training Course in the Northwest to train National Language personnel for Taiwan. After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, he immediately returned to Peiping, attributed the Dictionary Compilation Office, which was at a standstill, to Peiping Normal University where he had a voice, and completed the publication of the “National Language Dictionary”. In 1949, Li Jinxi, ready to embrace the new government, hoped that the National Language Movement could continue. On May 29, he and Wu Yuzhang initiated the “China Writing Reform Research Association” at Peiping Normal University. Many of the initiators were former opponents in the dispute between the “National Language Movement” and the “Latinization Movement”. Everyone was able to sit together and tended to switch to phonetic writing. On August 7, the initiators held a second meeting at the headquarters of North China University, determining the new organization as national and naming it the “Writing Reform Promotion Association”. On September 5, at the fourth meeting of the initiators, a letter drafted by Ma Yichu, Guo Moruo, and Shen Yanbing according to Mao Zedong’s instructions was read, stating that “new writing requires research and has not yet reached the implementation stage. Research should focus on the Latinization of the Northern dialect, taking into account dialects would only disrupt the unified steps; as for the urgent matter at present, it is to approve a number of simplified characters”. It can be seen that the new national leaders had long had a plan for language work. On October 10, the “Writing Reform Association” held its inaugural meeting at the Xiehe Auditorium. Wu Yuzhang, as the main convener, served as the chairman of the standing council, and Li Jinxi and Hu Qiaomu served as vice chairmen. In February 1952, the association was reorganized from a non-governmental organization into an official institution, the “China Writing Reform Research Committee”, under the Cultural and Educational Commission of the Government Administration Council. This time, Li Jinxi only became one of the 12 official members and served as a member of the “Pinyin Scheme Group” and the “Chinese Character Organization/Teaching Experiment Group”. In 1954, the committee was upgraded to the “China Writing Reform Committee” (hereinafter referred to as the “Writing Reform Committee”), and the personnel doubled, but Li Jinxi remained just one of the members, and his only old partner was Wei Jiangong.

In August 1949, Li Jinxi spoke at the “China Writing Reform Promotion Association”. His basic view was: “China’s writing reform belongs to the National Language. It is not to change the language of our own nation, but to reform the traditional written symbols that express our own language”, because “the National Language is national and is developing independently; but Chinese characters are feudal and hinder the progress of culture”. “The term ‘National Language’ is just like the national flag, national emblem, and national anthem. The content can change, but the name remains unchanged”. Li Jinxi assessed the situation. He tried to continue the name “National Language” by modifying its content and no longer insisted on denying the leftist “Latinization” expression. He hoped to stick to the substantive direction of the National Language Movement. However, in 1955, Zhang Xiruo, the then Minister of Education, proposed at the National Writing Reform Conference that the “common language of the Han nationality” is “Putonghua”, which ultimately overturned the term “National Language”. In February 1958, the National People’s Congress approved the implementation of the Hanyu Pinyin Scheme, ending the “Zhuyin Fuhao” (Phonetic Symbols) and “Gwoyeu Romatzyh” (National Language Romanization) that Li Jinxi had stuck to and persisted in and widely promoted in the Republic of China. In fact, during the launch of Hanyu Pinyin, Li Jinxi himself proposed a version of the scheme to maintain his position in the new process.

On November 1, 1949, the Central People’s Government Publications Administration, China’s national-level publishing management agency, was established. The director was Hu Yuzhi, and the deputy director responsible for educational publishing was Ye Shengtao. To publish a new dictionary, Ye Shengtao visited Li Jinxi on January 24, 1950. On March 8, Ye Shengtao and others met Li Jinxi again at the Dictionary Compilation Office. At that time, there were 16 people in the compilation office, and work was basically at a standstill, only adapting four smaller dictionaries. The Ministry of Education intended to transfer the compilation office to the Publications Administration, but Ye Shengtao only fancied the large amount of card materials in the compilation office. Ye Dingyi, the then military representative of Beijing Normal University, even hinted to Ye Shengtao that taking over the compilation office was tantamount to a burden. In fact, Li Jinxi not only invited Ye Shengtao to teach in the Chinese Department of Beijing Normal University to please him (rejected), but also talked to Mao Zedong about the disposal of the Dictionary Compilation Office. Mao Zedong discussed with Hu Qiaomu and intended for the Publications Administration to take over. Hu Qiaomu explained this to Hu Yuzhi, but it was ultimately rejected by Ye Shengtao. Ye Shengtao had his own arrangement. He planned to start anew and find people to compile the dictionary himself, but it ended in failure. On March 31, 1956, the Writing Reform Committee held a Dictionary Planning Committee meeting and determined that the dictionary institution would be led by the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, and merged the China Dictionary Compilation Office led by Li Jinxi and the Xinhua Dictionary Society led by Ye Shengtao into the Dictionary Editing Room of the Institute of Linguistics to jointly compile a medium-sized dictionary first, which is the “Modern Chinese Dictionary”. Compiling dictionaries was originally Li Jinxi’s forte, but in fact, he only became a member of the dictionary’s 9-person preparatory group and the test print’s 15-person review committee.

In the 1950s, Li Jinxi participated in the launch of simplified characters, the Chinese language teaching syllabus, and Chinese grammar discussions. But in that circle composed of leftist publishers, writers, and up-and-coming linguists, his voice became smaller and smaller. In the 1960s, he and Ding Xilin created a character lookup method, which was discussed, and besides that, he only participated in some symposium-type academic activities. In this way, Li Jinxi wore the halos of a member of the Department of Philosophy and Social Sciences of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, a deputy to the National People’s Congress, a member of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, and a founder of the Jiusan Society, but he was lackluster and accomplished nothing in his own field. This is what Wang Shoukang meant by “Mr. Shao Xi does not dare to engage in any activities”.

Wei Jiangong hurriedly went south after the fall of Peiping. He was a man of sentiments and later served as the director of the Taiwan National Language Promotion Committee, laying the foundation for the promotion of the National Language in post-war Taiwan. In 1948, he returned to Peking University to teach. During the preparation of the new government, he established contact with Ye Shengtao, who was responsible for education and publishing work in the North China Government at the time, expressing his desire to compile a dictionary with colleagues at Kaiming Book Company. This was his unfulfilled wish at the China Dictionary Compilation Office. To gain recognition, he spent a lot of time helping Ye Shengtao compile new elementary and middle school textbooks. Ye Shengtao also thought about inviting him to preside over the China Dictionary Compilation Office intended to be moved into the Publications Administration. However, the Publications Administration finally decided to form its own dictionary compilation team, which was the Xinhua Dictionary Society. In August 1950, Wei Jiangong led Xiao Jialin and Kong Fanjun, a couple from the original Dictionary Compilation Office, to join the Xinhua Dictionary Society and began the compilation of the “Xinhua Dictionary”. In early 1951, the Dictionary Society agreed on the compilation method, decided to target primary school teachers, and determined to complete the manuscript in September. But only a few months after the work started, Ye Shengtao became dissatisfied, feeling that the dictionary was “cumbersome and not clear”. The first draft of the dictionary was completed on schedule, but the revision was very slow, coincidently catching up with everyone participating in the land reform work, and it was not published until 1953. During this period, Wei Jiangong, Xiao Jialin, Zhang Keqiang, Du Zijing, and others compiled “Examples of Common Character Usage” for beginners based on the 1500 common characters determined by the Ministry of Education joined into common vocabulary.

The “Xinhua Dictionary” has always been considered Wei Jiangong’s greatest achievement. However, Ye Shengtao recorded many unpleasant details in the dictionary compilation process in his diary: In order to let Wei Jiangong focus on the compilation work, the Publications Administration coordinated with Peking University to transfer Wei Jiangong to the Publications Administration. In May 1952, Peking University agreed to release Wei Jiangong, but Wei Jiangong did not resign from Peking University; in July, Wei Jiangong, because of criticism for not following the mass line, changed his way greatly and followed behind the masses, hesitating, with weak leadership, and the work stagnated; among the existing 10 people in the Dictionary Society, neither Wei Jiangong nor Xiao Jialin did hands-on work, only doing review; on September 9, Wei Jiangong expressed that the work was difficult to carry out, and colleagues liked to talk about democracy, making Ye Shengtao think he was “sticky, unwilling to express his meaning smoothly” and “not leaving the old track”; in January 1953, Ye Shengtao discussed with Wei Jiangong and Xiao Jialin to invite experts and users to discuss the compiled “Xinhua Dictionary”. Lu Shuxiang believed that the dictionary must be revised, and he could not stand the bureaucratic style of the Dictionary Society; on July 15, Wei Jiangong and Xiao Jialin had drafted a dictionary promotion document. Lu Shuxiang still insisted that the quality of the dictionary was not high, but it had to be published. Wei Jiangong believed that the dictionary was a draft (which seemed acceptable); the foreword of the “Xinhua Dictionary” was written by Wei Jiangong, and Ye Shengtao thought “there are many items, cumbersome and not smooth in expression”… It can be seen from this that the compilation process and results of the “Xinhua Dictionary” were unsatisfactory. Later, when someone nominated the “Xinhua Dictionary” for an award, it was flatly denied by Ye Shengtao. The Xinhua Dictionary Society achieved nothing else after that, and after merging into the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, it disassociated from Wei Jiangong.

Wei Jiangong was a member of the “Writing Reform Research Committee” and the later Writing Reform Committee. Regarding the launch of simplified characters, he initially advocated: “Simplified characters are only for ease of writing. The original characters must still be recognized, and simplified characters can be selected from existing ones, no need to create new ones”. His mentor Qian Xuantong had made a table of simplified characters. At that time, Hu Qiaomu advocated creating more simplified characters, which was also Mao Zedong’s opinion. On October 15, 1955, Wei Jiangong reported the process of the character simplification scheme on behalf of Ye Yuhu. On April 18, 1964, he attended the meeting of the Writing Reform Committee to discuss the typesetting of the “General List of Simplified Characters”. In addition, he also participated in symposiums held by the Institute of Linguistics and small-scale academic discussion activities, but no one could capture his academic views. In 1955, Wei Jiangong was elected as a member of the Department of Philosophy and Social Sciences of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, and in 1962 he became the vice president of Peking University. In addition, he also served as the director of the Chinese Department of Peking University, the director of the Teaching and Research Office of Classical Documentation, a deputy to the National People’s Congress, and a member of the Central Committee of the Jiusan Society. This confirms what Wang Shoukang wrote in his letter: “After Jian Gong returned to the ancient capital, it is said that he is striving to show loyalty to the bandit puppet”. (“Bandit” was the “nickname” used by the Kuomintang and the Communist Party for each other during that period)

Looking back at the letter Wei Jiangong wrote to Yuen Ren Chao on May 7, 1938: “We have a Wanli bronze bell carried from Sanyuan Palace. The southwest wind roared and blew all its sound elsewhere; so this ‘Hong’ (school) has no ‘Xiang’ (sound/echo) in the ‘She’ (house), truly becoming ‘great sound is hard to hear’”. He also mentioned a ballad circulating in Mengzi at that time: “University students, university students, pay attention to hygiene without wearing pants.” - That was his academic prime, full of vigor. Even in the rear area with heavy difficulties, he was elegant, humorous, optimistic, and open-minded.

The two classmates mentioned in Wang Shoukang’s letter - “Di Chen and Zi Jing have had no news for five years” - are Xiao Jialin and Du Zijing, who cooperated with Wei Jiangong to compile the “Xinhua Dictionary”. They were also practitioners of the National Language Movement.

As soon as Xiao Jialin graduated from university, he entered the Ministry of Education and became a “new bureaucrat” (this was Qian Xuantong’s banter). During the Anti-Japanese War, he engaged in mass education in the southwest region and was later a member of the Taiwan National Language Promotion Committee. He taught, ran newspapers, and compiled dictionaries. In 1949, he entered the Xinhua Dictionary Society with Wei Jiangong and was the main compiler of the “Xinhua Dictionary” and one of the editors-in-chief of “Examples of Common Character Usage”. But like Wei Jiangong, he was not recognized by the competent leaders. In 1951, Xiao Jialin participated in the discussion of punctuation usage in official documents of the Government Administration Council. He submitted a version of “Usage of Punctuation Marks”, which Ye Shengtao considered unclear and found someone else to complete. However, the “People’s Daily” later adopted Xiao Jialin’s article. During his time compiling dictionaries at the Xinhua Dictionary Society, he was considered unwilling to do hands-on work and relatively bureaucratic. Ye Shengtao also recorded an important event in his diary: On January 22, 1954, after 300,000 copies of the “Xinhua Dictionary” were printed, an error was found explaining “nationals” as “objects of the people’s democratic dictatorship”. Vice President Yun Yiqun had discovered it, but because Xiao Jialin did not change it, a big mistake was made, and it was remedied when the remaining 200,000 copies were printed. In 1956, Xiao Jialin transferred to the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Sciences with the Xinhua Dictionary Society until his death. He was one of the main compilers of the “Modern Chinese Dictionary”.

In fact, Xiao Jialin was a person with strong professionalism, skilled in writing, and influential. He was the host of the Gwoyeu Romatzyh Promotion Association and was active in the field of mass education. He published many articles, and 63 can be found at present, mainly focusing on mass education, literacy, and the promotion of Gwoyeu Romatzyh. However, it is worth noting that 62 of them were published before 1947.

Du Zijing (also known as Du Tongli) and his two old classmates can both be called “believers of Gwoyeu Romatzyh” (this was Qian Xuantong’s statement). He worked as a Chinese teacher and editor, striving to promote phonetic symbols and Gwoyeu Romatzyh in his position. In 1949, Du Zijing was transferred to work in the Textbook Compilation and Review Committee of the Central Plains Provisional People’s Government, and later transferred to the Chinese Group of the Central Textbook Compilation and Review Committee as an editor, compiling “Junior High School Chinese Textbooks” (six volumes) with Zhu Wenshu and others. On April 17, 1950, “Guangming Daily” founded the “New Language” weekly with the support of the China Writing Reform Association. Du Zijing, Cao Bohan, Sun Fuyuan, and Chen Jianzhong served as editorial board members. This was the earliest domestic newspaper to use the word “Yuwen” (Language). After Du Zijing joined the Xinhua Dictionary Society, he participated in the compilation of “Examples of Common Character Usage” and the first edition of “Xinhua Dictionary” throughout the process. Regrettably, Du Zijing died of liver disease on May 21, 1955.

These advocates of the National Language Movement who remained on the mainland once persisted and once retreated in the new environment, but were eventually eliminated with the change of the movement’s trajectory. In Chinese society, “a new dynasty, a new cabinet” is an eternal melody, and academic experts are no exception. So, did those who went to Taiwan take to it like a duck to water? Mr. Wang Shoukang mentioned the following three people in his letter:

Qi Tiehen took office at the Taiwan National Language Promotion Committee after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War. He had always been engaged in National Language teaching work. Since he was an “Old Beijinger”, after arriving in Taiwan, he served as the keynote speaker of the “National Language Pronunciation Demonstration” program of the Taiwan Broadcasting Station for eight consecutive years, reading the Republic of China National Language textbooks. His voice on the radio was the most authoritative standard sound in Taiwan at that time, replacing the pronunciation of Yuen Ren Chao in the “National Language Gramophone Records Textbook” in 1922. In addition, he also served as a part-time teacher at National Taiwan University, National Taiwan Normal University, and Taipei Teacher Language Special Training Class. After retiring from the National Language Committee, he continued to serve as a standing director at the “Mandarin Daily”. In 1977, he died of heart failure at the age of eighty-five. Vice President Yan Jiagan specially awarded a plaque with the inscription “Legacy lasts forever” to praise his virtuous conduct and contribution to promoting the National Language during his lifetime. In Lin Haiyin’s memory, Qi Tiehen always wore a gray long gown, smiling, just like a slimmed-down Maitreya Buddha. “He sat in our small living room, talking about proverbs, slang, and allegorical sayings in a pleasant Beijing dialect. I seemed to understand but not quite, laughing along with the adults, finding it very interesting.” His works include “Examples of National Language Variant Pronunciation”, “Lecture Notes on Polyphonic Characters”, “Study on Single Characters with Same Meaning but Different Readings”, “Answers to National Language Questions”, “Peiping’s Witty Remarks”, “National Language Dictionary”, etc.

Wang Yuchuan’s life can no longer be traced, only knowing that he also always served the Taiwan National Language Promotion Committee and the “Mandarin Daily”. From Wang Yuchuan’s letters to Yuen Ren Chao, it can be seen that his love and persistence for the National Language Movement, especially Gwoyeu Romatzyh, was probably unmatched. Many of his letters were written in Gwoyeu Romatzyh, which was difficult to understand. It is said that there was once censorship of correspondence between Taiwan and the US, and some of his letters were actually detained as codes. Let’s see what he chatted about with Yuen Ren Chao: On March 8, 1963, Wang Yuchuan told Yuen Ren Chao that he had purchased 33 Chinese language textbooks and 50 tapes compiled by the Institute of Far Eastern Languages at Yale University, preparing to set up a Chinese language class to teach Americans in Taiwan; on September 26, 1963, he mentioned preparing a commemorative event for the 36th anniversary of the release of Gwoyeu Romatzyh; on October 10, 1964, he made a brochure and ballad for Gwoyeu Romatzyh and thanked Yuen Ren Chao’s daughter for recording it for him. In the letter, he lamented that promoting Gwoyeu Romatzyh in Taiwan was difficult because few people were interested in it, but he was still willing to dedicate the rest of his life to it. He hoped Yuen Ren Chao would help him find a promotion platform for Gwoyeu Romatzyh in the US and UK; on April 17, 1965, he introduced Lin Haiyin to meet Yuen Ren Chao because she appreciated Lin Haiyin, and Lin Haiyin also intended to help promote the National Language in Taiwan; in 1965 and 1966, he wrote many times hoping Yuen Ren Chao would go to Taiwan to preside over the further advancement of the National Language Movement. He did not want to see the mainland take the lead in this regard. These letters show us a Wang Yuchuan full of enthusiasm but isolated and helpless.

Liang Rongruo was also a graduate of Beijing Normal University. He taught at several universities in Peiping and engaged in language and literature research. In mid-October 1948, he went to Taipei to participate in the preparation of “Mandarin Daily” and served as a standing committee member. After 1958, he served as a professor in the Chinese departments of Taiwan University, Taiwan Normal University, and Tunghai University. After retiring in 1974, he moved to the United States. In 1980, he wrote in a letter to Yuen Ren Chao: “Received letter and clippings from Zhou Youguang in Beijing. The Writing Reform Committee has been revived. Liao Yi (Wang Li) has been appointed vice chairman, and together with Ni Haishu and Dong Chuncai, they have become central figures. The ‘Path of China’s Writing Reform’ written by Sheng (referring to himself) is also planned to be reprinted in ‘Language Modernization Series’. This trend seems promising… The National Language faction may be about to turn over…” He returned to the mainland in 1981 and served as a visiting professor at Beijing Normal University. However, his return did not cause any waves. He returned to the United States in 1983 until his death.

Let’s look at Mr. Wang Shoukang, the owner of the letter. He came to Taiwan in 1948 to disseminate the National Language. Originally intended for a three-year term, he stayed in Taiwan forever. He was the founder of Taiwan’s “Mandarin Daily” and later became a member of the Taiwan National Language Promotion Committee. Coming to Taiwan with him was a group of students he had taught in the National Language Special Training Course at Beijing Normal University. These young people came to Taiwan with ideals, but in 1950, most were arrested and imprisoned on suspicion of being “communist spies”. Although Wang Shoukang was a loyal Kuomintang member, he bailed out the students one by one because in his eyes, these people were seeds for disseminating the National Language. The National Language was not only his profession but also his faith. Unfortunately, he suffered a stroke and lost his speech in 1957 and could not continue working normally. It should be said that the Taiwan National Government respected these scholars. They made the best use of their talents and had due social status. Whether it was Wang Shoukang’s 70th birthday or Qi Tiehen’s 80th birthday, the government or social institutions celebrated their birthdays. Their devotion was duly rewarded.

However, it is worth noting that the National Language Movement has not been able to continue development in either the mainland or Taiwan. According to the original proposals of the National Language Movement activists, unifying the National Language and popularizing education were only the primary stage of the National Language Movement. The subsequent Gwoyeu Romanization not only includes the standard National Language (or Putonghua) spoken on both sides of the strait but also includes all dialects spoken by Chinese people. The National Language Movement did not mechanically unify China’s languages into one, but hoped that through the Romanization of dialects, all dialects could also achieve written expression and dissemination. In this way, the already diverse Chinese languages can make the National Language richer, and Romanization allows languages like English to be easily imported into the National Language, thereby promoting the common development of the National Language with science, technology, and culture. Therefore, investigating dialects has always been a very important task of the National Language Movement. Liu Bannong and Bai Dizhou gave their young lives for this in the beginning. During the war, those persistent linguists did this work regardless of where they were in distress. And all this came to an abrupt end with the changes in China’s political situation. In the mainland, there is language soil but few people engaged in this work, and the National Language Movement was dusty unknowingly. The promotion of simplified characters and Hanyu Pinyin brought Chinese into a direction with neither inheritance nor development prospects; in Taiwan, there is neither language soil nor top experts, and people can only simply promote the original results. So, looking at the world, what happened to those linguistics masters stranded overseas?

The most dazzling of the masters was Yuen Ren Chao. He went to the United States after the Anti-Japanese War and had been engaged in linguistics research and teaching. From his publications, we can see that he was actually advancing academically in the direction set by the National Language Movement: “Zhongxiang Dialect Records” in 1939, “Cantonese Primer” in 1947, “Mandarin Primer” in 1948, “Report on Survey of Hubei Dialects” co-authored with Ding Shengshu, Yang Shifeng, Wu Zongji, Dong Tonghe, etc. in 1948, “Zhongshan Dialect” in 1948, “Language Problems” in 1956, “Jixi Lingbei Dialect” in 1965, “A Grammar of Spoken Chinese” and “Language and Symbolic Systems” in 1968, “Report on Survey of Hunan Dialects” in 1970, and “Collection of Discussions on Archaic Chinese” co-authored with Bernhard Karlgren, “Some Problems in Chinese Sociolinguistics” in 1976. However, his theories only stayed in books and had no place for practice. In fact, both Taiwan and the mainland formally or informally advised him to go and settle down, but he politely declined. Yuen Ren Chao was a smart man. He understood very well that when he no longer had academic partners like Qian Xuantong and Lin Yutang around him, nor academic bureaucrats like Li Jinxi, and even less the open and democratic political and academic atmosphere of the early Republic of China, he would only exist as a mascot if he returned to that land alone. Yuen Ren Chao firmly stayed in the United States doing what he could until his death, and donated all his personal and academic archives to the University of California, Berkeley, where he taught. This is his academic legacy, and also that of the National Language Movement, left forever in the place he trusted most. From the correspondence between Yuen Ren Chao and colleagues on both sides of the strait, it can be seen that his early exchanges focused on very professional academic issues, while the later period was mainly general reminiscing and greetings. Lin Yutang once created Gwoyeu Romatzyh with Yuen Ren Chao. He later dedicated himself to inventing a Chinese typewriter, and then only focused on writing until his death. He never set foot in language and writing again.

Masters withered, sages departed, and I believe the development of the National Language today is not the ending they expected. Language is the carrier of civilization. When Chinese people must inevitably move towards a higher civilization, if the National Language cannot develop, it will inevitably become a stumbling block to the development of Chinese civilization. So, will the National Language eventually develop or be eliminated? This is a severe question for Chinese people.

References:

“Sound Enters Heart and Connects” by Wang Dongjie, Beijing Normal University Press, April 2019

“Complete Diaries of Ye Shengtao” by Ye Shengtao, China Education Publishing and Media Group People’s Education Press, October 2024

Correspondence between Yuen Ren Chao and Wang Shoukang, Wang Yuchuan, Wei Jiangong, etc.

December 23, 2025 in Beijing