Qian Xuantong, a Stalwart of the National Language Movement

Author: Yun Wang

—- Figures of the National Language Movement

(Qian Xuantong at home in Beijing in th 1930s)

Mr. Qian Xuantong was a leader of the National Language Movement, and his greatest charm lay in his distinct personality. Initially, he advocated for a return to ancient customs; later, he became skeptical and even opposed antiquity, changing his name several times due to his beliefs. Originally named Shi Huang, and styled Deqian, his father was a Qing Dynasty imperial examinee during the Tongzhi era, and later served as the head of academies in Shaoxing, Yangzhou, and Suzhou. His brother was a late Qing diplomat, serving as an envoy or minister to countries such as Japan, the UK, France, and Germany. Influenced by his family, Qian Xuantong received a solid Confucian education from a young age and was a staunch royalist as a youth. At 17, after reading Zhang Taiyan’s “Refutation of Kang Youwei’s Views on Revolution” and Zou Weidan’s “Revolutionary Army,” he began to see overthrowing the Qing as his sole duty. At 18, influenced by Liang Qichao’s article “On the Major Trends in Chinese Academic Thought,” which highlighted Qing scholar Liu Jizhuang for creating new characters and promoting vernacular literature, Qian became interested in Liu’s studies and changed his appellation to “Duxian,” indicating his future as a master of language. At 21, while studying in Japan, he joined the Tongmenghui and changed his name to “Xia,” which, according to the “Shuowen Jiezi,” means “the people of China,” reflecting his hatred for the Qing. At 30, he changed his name to Xuantong, and at 35, he began using “Yigu Xuantong” during the Debates on Ancient History. At 52, bedridden in Beijing during its occupation, he reverted to “Xia,” refusing a false appointment until his death.

Qian Xuantong was praised as a stalwart of the National Language Movement. He proposed early on to standardize Chinese grammar and syntax, annotate elementary textbooks and newspapers with phonetic alphabets, punctuate articles, use Arabic numerals and formulas for numbers, adopt the Gregorian calendar, and change the writing direction from vertical-right to horizontal-left. From the age of 33, as a permanent staff member of the Ministry of Education’s Committee for the Unification of the National Language, he devoted himself wholeheartedly to the National Language Movement, and his vibrant personality was fully reflected in the movement he led. According to Qian’s plan, the reform of the national language began with the promotion of simplified characters as a “mark” to govern China, ultimately aiming to eliminate Chinese characters as the “basis” of Chinese writing. He believed that as linguistic symbols, simplicity is most important and that creating characters based on phonetics is the most scientific approach, while Chinese characters are precisely what hinder China’s development. Promoting phonetic symbols was just a means to achieve “consistency between spoken and written language” and to promote education. The real revolution was the National Language Roman script, intended to replace Chinese characters, not merely serve as phonetic guides like today’s Pinyin. Qian argued that only when people can learn to read and write in the least amount of time can they free themselves for scientific study and research. He opposed reading the classics and using obscure allusions, advocating for vernacular literature, both in rhymed and prose forms, letting it flow naturally. In 1918, he famously “knocked down the Confucian shop,” not to denigrate Confucius per se, but to oppose the millennia-old use of Confucius’s name for personal ends, which, in a sense, was also an opposition to personality cults. Qian’s words in “New Youth” were always exhilarating and direct, earning him the reputation as the herald of the New Culture Movement.

Mr. Qian Xuantong’s radicalism was evident in many aspects. In 1925, at the National Language Movement conference, he famously shouted three slogans: “Down with classical Chinese! Down with Chinese characters! Down with ‘national essence’!” In 1928, after the Northern Expedition succeeded and China was reunified with the capital moved to Nanjing, the Presidential Palace (Ju Ren Tang) was designated for cultural and academic institutions. Qian Xuantong insisted that the newly established Dictionary Compilation Office be located there, while others set their sights on the former Ministry of Education site after the southward relocation. Qian said, “As our grand ‘granary’ of the new Chinese script (Note: Li Jinxi said the Dictionary Compilation Office was the granary for constructing China’s new script), how could it not stand alongside the National Library in Zhonghai?” At that time, the designated location for the library was indeed Ju Ren Tang, which was later moved to Wenjin Street next to Beihai Park. Thus, Qian Xuantong and Li Jinxi tirelessly lobbied until the War Zone Committee finally approved the location at the west side of Ju Ren Tang for the Compilation Office. In 1926, the National Language Romanization proposed by the Numerals Society was approved after repeated disputes, but the Beiyang Government refused to announce it officially. Even after seeking Liang Qichao’s help to no avail, everyone was at a loss. Qian came up with a plan, bypassing the official ministry order, and directly issued the “National Language Romanization” phonetic system under the name of the Ministry of Education’s National Language Unification Preparatory Committee and had it printed.

Qian Xuantong, an expert in phonology and a prominent disciple of Zhang Taiyan, was praised by Zhang for being “proficient in elementary studies.” Qian believed that the study of China’s language and script was broader than the traditional “elementary studies” and should be divided into four parts: phonology, morphology, semantics, and methodology. In his later years, he was quite proud of his role in coordinating the “National Phonetic Symbols,” often telling Li Jinxi, “No one but him could handle it, because his specialty was the study of the evolution of ancient and modern phonology, and he understood the phonetic differences across regions…” Qian was a practical worker, involved throughout his life in the discussion of the 39 phonetic symbols announced in 1918 and the official pronunciation review for the “National Phonetic Dictionary” published in 1920. The “National Phonetic Dictionary” was the first to standardize Chinese pronunciation and was significant despite many flaws. A year after its publication, Qian led the completion of the “Revised National Phonetic Dictionary” and published it. The dispute between Beijing phonetics and national phonetics continued until a consensus was reached in 1923. Qian immediately proposed the formation of a committee to enhance the National Phonetic Dictionary, resulting in the “National Phonetic Common Vocabulary,” which he personally edited and published in 1932. This was mandated by the Ministry of Education as the dictionary for promoting standardized pronunciation, replacing the original “National Phonetic Dictionary.” Meanwhile, at the initiative of Qian and others, the “National Language Romanization Phonetic Study Committee” was established, with five representatives from Beijing, including Qian, as members of the “Numerals Society.” They were a phonological study group that, after more than twenty meetings, created the National Language Romanization. Qian actively promoted the National Language Romanization and even personally served as the head of the National Phonetic Alphabet Institute. In 1928, the Great Dictionary of China Compilation Office was officially established, with Qian Xuantong and Li Jinxi as co-directors, organizing a massive system based on the principle of “following historical precedents” and completing a clipping collection effort in five years comparable to the “Oxford English Dictionary.” In 1934, Qian proposed the “Draft of Simplified Characters,” drafting the “First Batch of Simplified Character Table” in 1925, which included over 2300 characters. After discussion at the Nanjing Ministry of Education Simplified Character Conference, over 1230 characters were approved, and 324 were announced as the first batch of simplified characters, but the implementation that year was minimally effective. The National Language Romanization was renamed “Transliteration Symbols” in 1943, serving only as a transliteration tool, far from Qian’s ideal, but it became the prototype for the later announced and used Pinyin. It must be said, every step of the National Language Movement contained Qian Xuantong’s efforts.

In the National Language Movement, Qian Xuantong always adhered to a rigorous and professional academic attitude. In the winter of 1928, when Beijing University District was established, a telegram was sent to the central government inquiring about the transliteration of the words “Beiping.” The Ministry of Education replied that it should be spelled as “peiping,” which did not conform to the National Language Romanization, greatly infuriating Qian Xuantong. He wrote a letter of protest to the then Minister of Education, Jiang Menglin, stating, “The Roman alphabet has long become a universal alphabet in academics and culture. It is crucial to establish the pronunciation and spelling for the Chinese nationals, transcribing our country’s name into phonetic script. This is entirely opposite to translating it into an English name… The National Language Romanization has already been officially announced by the government, and ‘Beiping’ should be spelled as Beeipying. Shouldn’t the Ministry of Education set a national example for the use of National Language Romanization, instead of becoming a joke?”

Qian Xuantong was practical and not stubborn. Originally siding with the “National Pronunciation” in the debate between Beijing pronunciation and National Pronunciation, he changed his view over a trivial matter. In the summer of 1921, while sitting in Li Jinxi’s yard discussing the “National Pronunciation” (which was not the pronunciation of any particular place but was generated by a majority vote of the Pronunciation Unification Committee members), which felt awkward everywhere in the country. He mentioned that a few days earlier, he had written on a student’s ink cartridge at Ma Heng’s house using phonetic symbols for the words “National Pronunciation,” and the children all said it was wrong, as it didn’t match how they spoke daily. Ma Heng also suggested swapping the vowels in the two characters. Initially opposed to “Beijing Sound,” he now asked Li Jinxi, who supported it, “What do you think about using Beijing’s local sound as the National Pronunciation?” Li Jinxi responded, “Sir, you’ve had a great epiphany over an ink cartridge!” From then on, “the beautiful Beijing sound” became the standard for Mandarin Chinese in the future.

In 1933, during the debate with the leftists on “Latinization,” although he was not interested in “Latinization,” he acknowledged the leftists’ early “handy character” movement in the “popular language,” but he believed it should be called “simplified characters.” In 1922, he published an article titled “The Revolution of Chinese Characters,” advocating for “broken characters” and “plain characters.” He analyzed the methods of creating Chinese characters, the so-called “six scripts” evolution process, which since the oracle bones, has included many phonetic loans, with countless examples in books and popular usage such as writing “人薓” (ren shen - ginseng) as “人参,” and on accounting books writing “百葉” (bai ye - hundred leaves) as “百叶,” and “麫包” (mian bao - dough wrap) as “面包” (bread). In fact, many cursive scripts from the Qin and Han dynasties later developed into simplified characters used since the Song and Yuan dynasties, and vernacular literature printed at the time used even more simplified characters. Many of the simplified characters he later produced came from these sources, not fabricated out of thin air. While advocating for the unification of the national language, he argued for investigating dialects and colloquialisms because the national language was not innate but had to be artificially created, hence should be extensively sourced. He hoped to use more dialects in literature, believing that once widely used, they would gain value and influence. He thought the more mixed the language, the more complex it would become, the more meanings it would have, the wider its application range, and thus, the more valuable the language and script would be.

Qian Xuantong had a unique sense of humor. When the Qing dynasty collapsed, Qian Xuantong thought it was time to restore the old Han items. He referred to the “Liji” (Book of Rites) description of “deep clothes” and made a set of official robes according to his book “Shenyi Guanfu Shuo.” At that time, he was working at the Zhejiang Education Office, wearing a “xuan guan” (a type of hat), “deep clothes,” and a “large belt” to the office, which caused great laughter and became a laughing stock. At that time, his anti-Manchu sentiment made him a revivalist. When “New Youth” advocated a literary revolution, the stagnant Chinese intellectual world had few supporters or opponents, and the lack of confrontation was not conducive to pushing the New Culture Movement forward. Thus, as an editor, Qian Xuantong, under the pseudonym Wang Jingxuan, wrote a letter to the editors of “New Youth,” posing as an opponent of the New Culture Movement, listing the crimes of the movement for attack. Liu Bannong then wrote “Response to Wang Jingxuan,” directly rebutting each point, performing a duet play, intentionally creating a debate. Qian Xuantong’s letter began: “At the time of Xin Chou and Ren Yin, moved by the chaos of the court… After returning to the country, seeing the arrogance of the scholars, the restlessness of the people, the corruption of morals, a precipitous decline. Young students, frequently slandering the ancient sages, despising the Confucian books…” (Note: The original text mimics ancient style without punctuation) Liu Bannong’s reply began, “Your letter harshly lectured us…” As a result, this back and forth sparked the reaction of the literary revolution. A self-proclaimed “admirer of Wang Jingxuan” sent a letter criticizing “New Youth,” and others signed in to complain on behalf of the Tongcheng school. Qian Xuantong, as a reporter, struck back, eventually prompting Lin Shu, an elder of the Tongcheng school, to come forward to defend national essence and resist new knowledge. Lin Shu wrote a novel “Jing Sheng” published in “Shen Bao,” using fictional characters to shadow Qian Xuantong, Chen Duxiu, and Hu Shi, hating these three leaders of the new culture to the bone. Later, he wrote another novel “Demon Dream,” shadowing Cai Yuanpei, Chen Duxiu, and Hu Shi, also accusing Peking University of becoming a den of destroying old morals. Soon after, encouraged by Qian Xuantong, Lu Xun published the first Chinese vernacular novel “A Madman’s Diary” in “New Youth,” igniting the climax of the New Culture Movement.

In the National Language Movement, Qian Xuantong, like many others, possessed a profound scholarly aura. Although he never engaged in political work or joined any political party throughout his life, he was undoubtedly a true intellectual. Qian believed that the prerequisite for discussing politics was to transform the thinking of the Chinese people. His lifelong dedication to the National Language Movement was aimed at awakening the masses. In 1932, he expressed his concern and dissatisfaction in a letter to Zhou Zuoren about some people who talked about politics without taking practical actions: “Lately, I’ve felt that the philosophy of ‘everyone sweeping the snow from their own doorsteps’ is crucial. If every Chinese could practice it, it would greatly benefit society. For example, if each of the ten households on a street sweeps the snow in front of their own house, then the entire street would be clear of snow. If the snow is cleared, then it’s fine to take care of the frost on the roof of another’s house, but it’s absurd to ignore the snow in front of your own door while trying to scrape frost off someone else’s roof, regardless of whether they like it or not, because you haven’t even swept your own doorstep… I enjoy researching ‘the organization of national heritage’ and ‘reform of Chinese characters’; these are my ‘snow’, and I would like to focus on clearing them from now on.”

In 1918, Qian Xuantong had a brilliant discussion with Chen Daqi about educational issues. Chen Daqi wrote to Qian, arguing that out of respect for humanity, one must stop someone from eating feces. However, our current problem in China is the lack of discernment to identify what is feces; thus, we must first guide them. Therefore, he asked Qian Xuantong to compile a “Feces Spectrum” to awaken the masses. As an expert in Sinology and with radical thoughts, Qian was most suited for this task. Having been deeply harmed by old-school teachings from a young age, he was thoroughly familiar with and despised “fecal studies.” He replied, “Although ‘Feces Spectrum’ is a humorous term, it is actually very appropriate. What is called feces today is really the dregs of yesterday’s food. After the essence of the food is absorbed as nutrients by the body, the dregs naturally become feces, which should naturally be expelled today… But if not expelled and kept in the stomach, it will harm the body and cause illness. From this perspective, feces itself isn’t detestable; what’s detestable are those who hoard feces without expelling it. Moreover, they not only hoard their own feces but also persuade others… Imagine the youth; what deep-seated grudges must they have that they are entrapped by this nation-destroying scheme!”

That same year, he published “Education Should Not Cater to the Old Society” in the Beijing Normal University Weekly, clearly stating that the purpose of education is to teach people to seek truth, not to be slaves to the ancients; education should cultivate noble character, not teach subservience; education should improve society, not conform to it. As a linguist, Qian Xuantong believed that Chinese script was the shell of all old thoughts and insisted on its abolition: “Generally, the Chinese mind has been mired in the education of hierarchical distinctions and ritual teachings for 2000 years, hence the daily behavior of people is nothing more than ‘arrogance’ and ‘flattery.’ Although it is unreasonable to be arrogant when rich, it is not surprising; what is most astonishing is that when poor, if a rich person appears above them, they rush to kowtow and pay respects, almost wanting to prostrate themselves on the steps, begging to be whipped, as if not trampling on me would diminish their dignity, and if their dignity is diminished, I feel I have no luster. Hence, all day long, they hope for an emperor, hope to bow and kneel; think about it carefully, isn’t it a bizarre and strange affair?” He sharply linked old literature with the old regime and old thoughts. In his later years, he expressed his views on current issues in a letter to Zhou Zuoren: “I have recently felt that changing the thinking of the Chinese is the only essential matter. The ‘autocratic’ and ‘supreme’ mindset of the Chinese, whether used to discuss Confucianism, the emperor, or social norms… is certainly unacceptable, but using it to discuss… ideologies is equally unacceptable… Over the past year, I have had worries; looking at the speeches of ‘China’s Lenin’, I truly feel afraid… Once this ‘small river’ turns into ‘floodwaters overflowing the banks’, then we ‘millet trees’ and ‘small grasses’ truly cannot help but tremble with fear, and this river is likely not something that Ji Dan can manage, and asking for help from the divine Yu is necessary.”

Many people considered Qian Xuantong radical, but he was not a bad-tempered person. Short in stature and prone to early weight gain, he was mockingly described by Lu Xun as “excessively plump and endlessly talkative.” He was naturally loquacious, a real “chatterbox,” who enjoyed conversing and often said, “I feel revitalized immediately after class when I chat with friends.” His conversations were a mix of seriousness and humor, often spiced with self-made allusions or light jokes that made listeners laugh, although those who were not familiar with him often found him difficult to understand.

He referred to visiting friends’ homes to chat as “taking root,” and such gatherings typically took place at the homes of Shen Shiyuan, Hu Shi, Liu Bannong, Li Jinxi, and Zhou Zuoren, usually between 4 to 6 PM. Carrying his briefcase and cane, he would enter their living rooms or studies and launch into expansive discussions. If there wasn’t enough time, they would agree to continue over dinner at a restaurant, which he referred to as “going to the elegant place.” If there was a meal provided at a friend’s home, he would say he was “favored with a meal.” During warmer days, they would also go to Zhongshan Park, an outing he dubbed “the great elegance,” where they discussed everything from personal observations to matters concerning the world, ancient and modern, local and international.

Zhou Zuoren noted, “He was very amiable towards people, always greeting them with a smile. However, if you asked him to meet some ‘important Mr. So-and-so,’ he would openly curse upon hearing the name, embarrassing the person who mentioned it. He was strict about antiquity, but when discussing practical issues, he was the most understanding and knowledgeable about the nuances of situations.” Throughout his life, he was dedicated to education, beloved by many students, yet he disliked overly formal attitudes towards him. In his correspondence with students, he addressed them as “Sir” and referred to himself as “Junior.” This led to misunderstandings with many students who thought Qian did not acknowledge them as his disciples, prompting him later to address them as “Brother” instead.

Wei Jiangong admired Qian not only for his ability to rise above common vulgarity and maintain a consistent demeanor of “simple dedication to innovation, aptly named,” but also for observing decorum without being old-fashioned, striving for progress without being flashy. Qian’s greatness lay in his ability to “gently guide” without “being hindered by rigid conventions,” thereby mentoring the next generation.

Throughout his life, Qian Xuantong experienced unprecedented internal strife and external threats. He often felt that people over middle age were stubborn and authoritarian, which led him to exclaim in frustration, “People should die at 40…” When he turned 40 in 1927, a few friends jokingly planned to publish an issue of the magazine “Yu Si” titled “The Benevolent Mr. Qian Xuantong,” though it ultimately was not published. Hu Shi composed a jesting ode, “Memorial Song on the First Anniversary of the Deceased Friend Qian Xuantong’s Becoming Benevolent,” which read: “The Qian Xuantong who should have died, how is he not yet dead…”

Unknown to many, Qian Xuantong ultimately passed away prematurely due to being trapped in Zhonghai during the encirclement of Beiping. Returning home late at night, he suffered a sudden spike in blood pressure and died shortly after. Mr. Qian never saw the fruitful outcomes of his modest efforts aimed at securing “the greatest happiness for the greatest number.” It remains to be seen whether his theory that “Chinese characters should eventually be abolished” will become a reality, but his famous words should forever be remembered by future generations—“In archaeology, strive for truth; in application, strive for suitability.”

April 11, 2024

References:

“History of the National Language Movement” by Li Jinxi, Commercial Press

“A Critical Biography of Qian Xuantong” by Wu Rui, Baihua Zhou Literature and Art Publishing House

“Revised and Annotated National Phonetic Vocabulary” by The Great Dictionary of China Compilation Office